MEMOIRS OF 1984
Yuri Tarnopolsky
Foreword by Senator Paul Simon
UNIVERSITY
PRESS OF
AMERICA
Lanham • New York • London
Copyright © 1993 by Yuri Tarnopolsky
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments vii
Foreword, by Senator Paul Simon ix
I. The Smoke in the Wind 1
II. The Catacombs 9
Belated Introduction 15
III. A Pair of Socks 19
IV. The Mortuary 33
V. Leukemia 49
VI. Two Keys to a Vault 63
VII. The Plastic Cucumber 75
VIII. A Woman with an Umbrella 81
IX. On Frogs and Mice 89
X. The Time Machine 95
XI. Dybbuks 103
XII. A Gift from a General 113
Interlude 123
XIII. On Foxes and Rabbits 125
XIV. The Pyramid 131
XV. From Russia with Allergy 141
XVI. Two Trials 155
XVII. Mickey and Minnie 167
XVIII. Euro-Asian Ping-Pong 173
XIX. I and Us 183
XX. Mousetrap 191
XXI. Riot 205
XXII. The Monument 217
Premature Conclusion 221
XXIII. Hurricane 223
XXIV. The Names 227
Afterword, by Nancy Rosenfeld
237
I
THE SMOKE IN THE WIND
It was a bright, cold day in April, and the clock was supposed to be
striking thirteen, as George Orwell had predicted. The year was 1984.
As a matter of fact,
there was no clock at all. But the day was really bright, so I could
use the shade of the electric pole in the yard outside as a sundial.
By that time I had
gotten used to not having a watch on my wrist. It had been taken
away by the investigator more than a year ago, upon my arrest. Time
did not matter much in the labor camp anyway.
I stood in a narrow,
dark hallway with three iron doors along it, all locked on the hall side.
Behind the doors were three camp factory workshops. The drone of
seventy sewing machines coming from those rooms was as loud as the sound
of a turbojet.
To emerge once in
a while into this forbidden area was a special privilege granted to me
by the doorman. Upon my request, he would occasionally unlock the
door of my workshop and let me out of the crowded, dusty, and noisy room
so that I could peep out into a larger world.
From the dark hallway
I was watching the brightly lit yard through a grated window the size of
a book page. The afternoon shadow of the pole was pointing to the
left, I noted, toward the latrine.
The doorman was nice
to me because we were about the same age and had both been arrested for
the first time in our almost fifty years of life. That was enough
to form a bond between us. We could even talk a little, with my part
limited to "Oh, really?" and "Sure" and "Oh, yeah."
The doorman could
not see, however, that our similarity extended beyond age. Both of
us had attempted to steal state property from the Soviet government.
His crime was losing a dozen state-owned sheep in a snowstorm. Mine,
much more heinous, was wanting to leave my country for good. In the
state where I was a sheep, I wanted to be my own herdsman, and I wanted
to be lost in the snowstorm of history.
I was a refusenik—an
applicant for emigration who had been denied an exit visa. As a black
sheep that marred the pristine white flock, I was sent here for correction.
Formerly a herdsman at a government farm, in the caste system
of the labor camp the doorman now was one of the he-goats—inmates who had
repented and were cooperating with the prison administration, agreeing—not
necessarily honestly—to squeal on other prisoners. Therefore they were
trusted to be doormen, cooks, dishwashers, hospital nurses, storekeepers,
librarians, accounting clerks, artists, and writers for the prison newspaper.
The doorman pushed
me aside and looked into the yard. "Lunch!" he yelled out in a rough
voice. He unlocked the outer door and three others. Several
other voices in the workshops repeated the call, adding obscenities, and
the deafening roar of the sewing machines gradually subsided.
The doorman had no
watch either, but he had not used the shadow to tell time. He just
noticed an officer on duty who had appeared in the distant corner of the
yard, waving his hand.
The yard was surrounded
by rows of barbed wire on the ground and a high plank fence. On the
north was a wooden fence between the working zone and the school zone.
The western fence, with four parallel gable-roofed adobe workshops along
it, separated the working and the living zones. On the south the
roofs of camp warehouses could be seen behind the fence. The main
workshop, a long flat-roofed barrack with four iron doors, one of them
behind me, ran along the eastern edge of the yard.
All of the fences
were adorned on top with the curls of barbed wire. Casual-looking
guards with machine guns over their shoulder stood on corner watchtowers.
It was a picture of utter peace and security.
I was ready for lunch.
The contents of my
pockets included an aluminum spoon in a small fabric bag, another fabric
bag with a piece of bread, and a handful of fabric shreds used as napkins,
handkerchiefs, and toilet paper. I also had a pencil stub, a self-made
French dictionary, a page of Moscow News, a Soviet newspaper in English,
and the small luxury of two cheap caramel candies.
When we watch old
films shot on the streets in the 1920s, the world looks very different.
First of all, it is black, white, and gray. The clothes look wrinkled
and crumpled, streets overcrowded and littered. As it appears on
the screen, the world of the past seems devoid of vacant, smooth surfaces,
straight lines, grace, and order. It looks like its inhabitants have
just moved in and they are not sure they would like to stay.
The labor camp seemed
to belong to the world of old movies and photographs. The buildings
did not show even a square foot of uniformly colored flat surface.
There were no straight lines or pure colors; no symmetry, smoothness, or
uniformity of detail. Everything was done haphazardly, everything
made by prisoners who hated what they were doing. All was jagged,
rough, and coarse. Glass splinters, threads, sewing needles, and
cardboard cores of spools were stamped into the dirt yard. The window
panes were a patchwork of dirty pieces of glass remarkable for their rich
collection of the various defects the glass industry could produce.
Now people were coming
out into the football-field-sized yard from several of the workshops lining
its borders. They were smoking, chatting, walking to the latrine.
The latrine was a
typical example of camp architecture. It was a hackwork of unshaved
wooden planks of various forms and sizes, all cracked and rotten.
The tin-plated gutter
for urine was supposed to accommodate about four hundred men per shift.
During the severe winter the urine froze before it could reach the end
of the gutter. It overflowed onto the floor, and by the end of the
season two feet of yellow ice had accumulated both inside and around the
structure. Somebody from the lowest caste had the job of breaking
it up with a heavy crowbar. The strikes of the tool revealed the
daily layers, like the rings making the years on a tree stump. With
strict periodicity, some of them showed a reddish tint, probably because
of blood from kidneys injured by excess salt and by weeks spent on the
cold concrete floor of the punishment block.
Little wonder that
during the night shift, and frequently during the day, the inmates did
not bother going to the slippery shack but simply used the yard.
It was the windy season—a
cold spring after an almost snowless winter, on the eve of a short rainy
summer. The wind carried dust mixed with dry urine and scarce snowflakes.
Hopefully it was the last snow of the spring.
The soil was still
deeply frozen. Some hillocks thawed under the sun, and the rare black
wet spots were the only signs of April.
The inmates, mostly
Siberian aborigines, were used to much colder weather. Despite the
wind, many of them were bare-chested. An occasional scarf served
more as a sign of prison prosperity than as protection against cold.
Russian political, ethnic, and geographical terms can be confusing for
a stranger.
The part of Siberia
that sheltered me in 1984 was called Trans-Baikalia. It can be found
on a map of Asia right above the Soviet-Mongolian border, east of the narrow
strip of Lake Baikal, the deepest and largest freshwater reservoir on Earth.
From a historical
point of view, Russia was the old name of the whole country that was renamed
the USSR, or the Soviet Union, by the Communists. Ethnic Russians,
often of mixed blood, made up only about half the population, which consisted
of hundreds of different cultures, from Assyrians to Eskimos. The
country hosted believers in all major world religions as well as pagans.
Most of the nations had inhabited their territories as long as they could
remember themselves, some since biblical times.
Russia was also the
name of one of the fifteen Soviet republics such as Lithuania, Armenia,
Ukraine, Georgia, etc.—most of which were acquired during the eastward
expansion of the original Russian state. Russia was a walking-distance
empire—one did not need to cross an ocean to reach the colonies.
By no means were Soviet
republics the counterparts of American states. Each republic had
its own languages, culture, history, religion, and mentality. Ethnically,
they could be as different as Germany, Iran, Egypt, China, Poland, and
Finland. Yet many of them had never been independent states.
Come to think of it,
the colonization of Greater Siberia, including Trans-Baikalia, by the Russians,
which took several centuries, did have something in common with the birth
of America. Siberia was not only the land of hard laborers and exiles but
also the freest part of Russia for those who stayed there of their own
will.
The Trans-Baikalian
counterpart of Native Americans were Buryat-Mongols, a people closely related
to the Mongols by language, culture, and the Tibetan branch of Buddhism.
They considered themselves a part of the Mongolian people, or Tartars,
who once ruled the whole of Asia and almost all of Russia.
The Trans-Baikalians
were proud of living in the area that had been the notorious penal colony
of Russia since the advent of the czars. It was the only area in
the whole world with the so-called supercontinental climate—the most severe
known climate except the polar climate—and the part of Siberia that accounted
for perhaps the only romantic page in the stern volume of Russian history.
The Decembrists were
Russian aristocrats who, driven by the French ideals of liberty, equality,
and brotherhood, conspired against the czar but failed to overthrow him
in December 1825. Five of them were hanged. The rest were sentenced
to hard labor in mines, mostly in the Chita region, where my labor camp
was located. Young and beautiful wives of many of them, despite various
obstacles imposed by the czar, moved from western Russia to the freezing
land to be closer to their chained husbands.
The region of Chita
was, no doubt, the most backward and ignorant part of the country.
Every fourth man there, sooner or later, was said to be imprisoned in a
labor camp either for petty theft or for giving a black eye to his neighbor.
Judging by the stories of inmates, the aborigines skinned dogs and ate
them, using the fur for warm hats. They beat women and children,
drank cheap perfume, and fought each other without mercy. They cared
very little about human life and the rest of Russia, and cared not at all
about the rest of the world, except Mongolia, which supplied forage for
the cattle. Civilization meant nothing to them. Comfort and
even freedom meant very little. During a winter night a herdsman
could sleep in the steppe right on the snow.
Of course, one should
not judge the hardworking, friendly, and generous population of Chita by
prison impressions. Still, the presence of an enormous number of
convicts, as well as drunk and reckless soldiers and officers, very much
defined the way of life in that God-forsaken area. The prisoners were convenient
and profitable manpower, which was so desperately needed in this underpopulated
region along the Chinese and Mongolian border. The largest Soviet
military district was located here, and the hills were stuffed with hidden
missiles pointing at China and America.
There was no place in the camp for animals, children, age difference,
retirement, and women—scattered female technical personnel did not count.
The two polar constituents of the camp were the prisoners (zeks) and the
officers (ments). Zeks and ments needed each other like two sexes.
For political prisoners,
the KGB was a third force, invisible and powerful. For reasons that
will be explained later, I called the KGB dybbuks, evil spirits in Jewish
mythology.
An average local zek
was a young man, strong, roughly hewn, resourceful, cruel, and proud of
being a zek—at least that was the impression the zek was supposed to give.
The zeks were sons
of zeks and fathers of future zeks. Many of them, as soon as they
came out of the camp gate, immediately got drunk and started to fight with
the first poor fool who came along. The rearrest of a zek on the same day
he was released was a common story.
At first glance, all
zeks looked alike. They were, or pretended to be, composed, cool,
and slow in movement and words. Outbreaks of anger and threats mostly were
faked as part of zek rituals. The zeks became truly irritable only
when there was no tobacco to smoke.
A member of the highest
caste of thieves was supposed to talk and move in a special ritualistic
way, spreading his fingers as if to illustrate the laws of electromagnetism.
It took a newcomer like me a certain period of adaptation to
see in rough, ugly, cruel, wrinkled, sallow faces the diversity of personalities
distributed along the universal human pattern.
We, the zeks, wore
dark gray padded jackets stuffed with cotton wool. The green uniform
looked like ordinary pajamas. On the left side of the chest we had
identity tags—small rectangles of fabric with the name and number of the
brigade. Our pants were tucked into classical solid Russian high
boots with tarpaulin tops and no shoelaces. It was only the color
of the jacket that distinguished us from the army construction troops.
The ments who worked
in prisons and camps wore regular military uniforms although they had no
military training and no military discipline.
Every barrack housed
a brigade of about one hundred zeks and was surrounded by a metal cage
with a double-gate trap at the checkpoint. It was forbidden to enter
another barrack or workshop.
The big gate between the working and the living zones was now open.
The yard was full of officers in trench coats. We lazily lined up
in a column of five in each row and made for the gate. We moved across
the yard, passed through the gate, turned left, walked between the fence
of the working zone and the barracks, through a small central plaza, and
turned to the right, where the poster "Out into freedom with clean consciousness"
invited us not into freedom but into the mess hall.
The mess hall was
the only place where all prisoners of one shift could see each other.
It was also the movie theater on Sundays. Saturday was always a workday,
as was at least one Sunday a month.
The concrete mess
hall was also the place for rare official meetings of the whole camp.
There was a stage with political slogans, a movie screen, and a pulpit.
On the walls were posters with happy faces of the builders of communism.
At the other end of
the hall were openings for food and dishes. Long tables, each seating
twenty people, were covered by scratched and rumpled zinc sheets that were
wiped with dirty rags. The zeks of the lower castes ate at separate
tables.
The zeks sat tightly
pressed, hardly able to move a hand, especially with their winter clothes
on. The ments were standing or walking in the aisles. There
was no time for talk at the tables.
It was as cold in the mess hall as outdoors, but at least there
was no wind.
"Hats off!" an officer
on duty commanded. The prisoners exposed to the cold their shaven
heads, many covered by scars.
First came soup in
aluminum caldrons, consisting of potatoes, sauerkraut, carrot, beet, traces
of tomato paste, and the cheapest artificial fat. In the spring only
dried vegetables were available, the sauerkraut was half-rotten, and pieces
of dried beet were carbon black.
Instead of the legally
required two ounces of meat for each prisoner, only rare meat fibers could
be found by a lucky few. If there was a big piece, a privileged zek
from a high caste would get it all.
The zek who sat on
the edge of the bench stood up and dispensed the soup into gray aluminum
bowls, all indented and coated with dirty water after washing. Pieces
of bread were put right on the grimy zinc, alongside a bowl of coarse salt.
The zeks consumed salt, the only available seasoning, in huge quantities.
I was not very hungry.
In the mess hall, I could never eat a meal without disgust, even if I was
hungry and even today, when I knew it would be my last meal before a hunger
strike.
The second course
was barley gruel with the same artificial soaplike grease. They called
it margarine. There were no drinks, not even water.
I wiped my spoon with
a piece of fabric and put it into a fabric sheath. My mates licked
their spoons up and tucked them into their high boots.
"Got guzzled?
Now get out," the foreman commanded. We went out, lined up in a column,
and moved back to the working zone, past gloomy officers shriveling in
the cold wind.
At the door of my
working barrack I tried to stay in the fresh air as long as possible.
Camp life was marked
by unremitting stress. Although the labor camp was supposed to depress
any sensation of change, movement, and achievement, existing there was
like driving in rush-hour traffic. Every minute was charged with
compressed danger. But on these alleys and aisles nobody had any
insurance, so you had to watch out.
In the free life the
safest place is in hiding; in the camp it was out in the open. My
eyes and ears were working as radar, automatically pinpointing all the
changes around me while I savored the candies. I had bought them
in the prison store. Once a month I could buy tea, caramel candies,
cheap cookies, and canned fish for a total of about six dollars.
The money was taken from my prison account, which had been opened by my
wife.
Lunch left a heaviness
in the stomach but no feeling of satisfaction. The prison food did
not contain any ready nutrients. Food had to undergo a complex process
of chemical change before glucose could be released into my veins.
I was glad I was a
former researcher and professor of chemistry, because that somewhat quirky
science, irritating to most non-chemists, gave me lots of knowledge that
was especially valuable here, where both the sturdy and fragile mechanisms
of life could be put to a test. Astronomy would have been of much
less use.
The landscape outside the camp was delineated by the four smokestacks
of an invisible power station in the south and the bare hills to the north.
That was all one could see behind the fence. The northwest wind was
so strong that it tore the smoke from the smokestacks. As puffs stubbornly
crept out of the stack they were carried away, shredded, and dispersed
into the air.
The sight of the smoke
inspired and depressed me at the same time. I admired the persistence
of the smoke, and I saw that the smoke was doomed.
I felt sorrow because
somebody cared about the smoke and kept it alive by feeding the furnace
with coal, but there was no one to replenish the internal fuel that sustained
my soul. I was like a self-contained planet, and all the coal I had
underground was my last one, and I was surrounded by empty and cold space.
The aftertaste of the candies was the light of a distant world, which had
probably already ceased to exist, like faraway stars that we see in the
skies long after they have flickered out.
It would be sheer
idiocy to begin a new hunger strike tomorrow. Dying was not a way
of living. There was no immediate threat to my life. As a chemist
I knew that however black the beet was, however rotten the cabbage was,
the barley gruel was as good a source of glucose as honey. My mind
did not want to fast; neither did my body. I did not want to resist,
to struggle, to suffer. Yet there was something else that was neither
mind nor body. It was something totally immaterial and irrational.
Pride? Honor? I did not know. I have always wondered
what it was. I believe it was scientific curiosity. Life for
me was an experiment, and I wanted to finish it. I wanted to gain
from a loss by learning something.
To remain strong and
to keep my soul alive, I had to burn my own body in the metabolic fire.
Soon the candies shot enough sugar into my brain to resume the
humming of thoughts. The real 1984 was not that bad. My brain
was free, and nobody was trying to make me love Big Brother. Moreover,
prison seemed to relieve me from the daily chores of free life.